캄보디아 불교의 현황과 역사

캄보디아는 인도차이나반도 중앙부에 위치한 나라로 한때 ‘크메르’라고도 불렸으며, 인구는 800만 명이다. 전설에 의하면 고대 캄보디아는 인도에서 건너온 왕이 이 나라의 여왕과 결혼하여 개국했다고 한다. 이 전설에서 보듯이 캄보디아의 문화와 종교는 인도로부터 전래되었음이 확실하다. 이 나라 문화에서 가장 중요한 비중을 차지하는 종교는 힌두교와 불교로서 민중의 생활에 깊이 침투되어 있었다.

캄보디아에서는 힌두교와 불교가 혼재되어 있기 때문에 불교에는 미신적, 토속적 요소가 많다. 지금도 남아있는 앙코르와트의 유적은 불교가 캄보디아에서 힌두교와 어떻게 혼융되었는가를 말해 주는 것이다.

11세기 이후 확립된 상좌부 불교의 전통은 캄보디아를 인도차이나지역에서 중요한 불교국으로 발전시켰다. 캄보디아의 젊은이들은 누구나 한번쯤 출가생활을 하는 것이 전통으로 되어 있으며, 사원에서의 교육은 그들이 평생 동안 살아가는 삶의 표준적 가치를 제공해 주고 있다.

승단의 조직은 태국과 마찬가지로 마하니카야와 담마유타니카야 양파로 나누어져 있다. 승려의 수는 1970년 통계에 따르면 마하니카야가 53,200명, 담마유타니카야가 1,300명 등 54,500명이었다. 사찰 수는 마하니카야가 2,980개, 담마유타니카야가 110개로 캄보디아 전체로는 3,090개다. 그러나 1946년에 비하면 승려의 수는 약간 줄어든 반면 사찰은 계속 늘어났다. 1946년 캄보디아 불교는 2,696개의 사원에 65,048명의 승려가 있었다.

이 나라의 승단은 상가나요크라 불리는 수장(首長)에 의해 통솔되는데, 서로 독립되어 각자의 교단에 대해서만 책임을 진다.

캄보디아불교에서 가장 주목되는 것은 사회 교육적 기능이다. 대개의 교육기관은 사찰에서 운영하고 있으며, 따라서 국민 전체를 대상으로 자연스러운 종교교육을 하게 된다. 1970년 통계에 따르면 캄보디아 불교사원에서 운영한 초등팔리어 학교는 529개, 학생수는 10,983명, 불교고등학교는 2개로 학생수는 500명, 불교대학은 1개로 112명이었다. 그러나 이 같은 활동은 1975년 인도차이나반도의 공산화로 서서히 사라져 가고 있다. 폴포트에 의해 수십만 명이 학살된 캄보디아는 종교도 완전히 없애버렸다.

폴포트를 내몰고 헴 삼린 정권이 들어서면서 몇 군데의 사원이 복구되기는 했지만, 여전히 승려가 되는 것은 막고 있다. 공산주의자들은 ‘과학적 유물론은 미신 따위를 필요로 하지 않는다’며 폴포트의 학살 만행을 피해 용케도 살아남은 스님들이 더 이상 불교 교리를 전파하지 못하도록 하고 있다.

최근 한 서방기자의 르포에 따르면, 부처님의 생애와 관련된 여러 가지 그림이나 조각을 팔던 상점들에는 옛날의 풍경이 사라진 지 오래고 안드로포프나 헴 삼린의 초상화를 팔고 있다. 이로 미루어 보아 캄보디아불교의 현재적 상황이 어떠한 가는 충분히 짐작하고도 남음이 있다. 그러나 민중의 삶에서 불교적 요소가 완전히 제거되었을 것이라고는 볼 수 없다. 그것은 이 나라의 불교가 수천 년에 걸쳐 민중들의 생활과 깊은 관계를 맺어오면서 그들과 일체가 되었기 때문이다.

캄보디아에 불교가 처음 들어온 것은 기원전 3세기경에 아쇼카왕이 파견한 전도승에 의해서라고 알려지고 있다. 이것은 스리랑카에 불교가 전해진 것과 때를 같이 하는 것이다. 그러나 캄보디아의 역사는 1세기말 메콩 강 하류에서 부남(扶南)이란 나라가 세워진 것에서부터 시작되므로 엄밀한 의미에서 캄보디아불교사의 단초로는 볼 수 없다.

캄보디아불교사의 첫 장(章)은 3세기 초 열렬한 불교신도였던 범만왕(范蔓王)시대 때부터 비롯된다. 그는 불사를 짓고 승려를 존중했으며, 불교를 보호하는 정책을 폈다.

이어 5세기 초, 카운디야왕조가 들어서면서 캄보디아의 불교는 크게 융성하여 승가바라(僧伽婆羅: 460~524)와 같은 유명한 고승을 배출했다. 그는 512년 아육왕경(阿育王經) 등 많은 불전을 가지고 중국에 들어가 양무제(梁武帝)의 명을 받아 역경에 종사했다.

이에 앞서 사야발마왕(闍耶跋摩王) 때에는 나가세나(那伽仙) 비구가 제남(齊南)의 무제에게 파견돼 불상을 헌납하고(484년) 돌아오기도 했다.

부남시대(扶南時代)의 치성(熾盛)했던 불교의 상황은 중국의 구법고승 의정삼장(義淨三藏: 635~713)이 쓴 동남아여행기 《남해기귀내법전(南海寄歸內法傳)》에도 소상한 기록이 나온다. 이에 따르면 부남시대의 캄보디아에는 정량부(正量部)와 유부(有部)의 불교가 유행했었다고 한다.

동남아의 중심 국가로 6세기까지 흥성했던 부남은 속국이었던 진랍(眞臘)의 샤나바르만왕에 의해 멸망했다. 샤나바르만시대의 특기할 만한 사실은 대승불교가 이입(移入)됐다는 사실이다. 최근 발견된 자료는 이 시대에 관세음보살상 건립에 관한 기록이 나오고 있다.

진랍은 한때 융성했으나, 왕위계승 문제가 원인이 되어 남북으로 분열됐다. 이를 수진랍[南] 육진랍[北]이라 하는데, 9세기 초 자야바르만 2세가 재통일을 하고 앙코르왕조를 열었다.

앙코르왕조의 3대왕인 야쇼바루만 1세는 수도를 앙코르 톰으로 옮기고 대승불교를 공식으로 승인했다. 그는 특히 세계적 걸작품으로 알려진 앙코르와트(王城寺)를 조영(造營)한 왕으로 유명하다. 이곳에는 캄보디아 특유의 힌두교와 불교가 혼재하고 있다. 이어 1002년에 즉위한 스리아바루만 1세는 스스로 불교도임을 선언하고 불교를 국교로 삼았다. 하지만 앙코르왕조는 힌두교를 비롯한 여러 종교를 탄압하지 않았으며 소승과 대승도 엄밀하게 따지지 않았다.

1181년에는 캄보디아에서 최고로 존경받는 자야바루만 7세가 즉위하여 불교를 크게 진흥시켰다. 그는 열렬한 불교신도로서 특히 관음신앙이 대단히 깊어 여러 곳의 거대한 암석에 관세음보살상을 조각했다.

‘앙코르의 미소’ 또는 ‘크메르의 미소’로 불리는 이 조각은 눈을 반쯤 뜨고 아래를 내려다보는 신비한 미소를 띠고 있어서, 크메르불교미술의 대표작으로 손꼽히고 있다.

앙코르왕조는 자야바루만 7세 시대를 절정으로 점차 쇠퇴하여, 13~15세기에는 태국의 침공을 받아 수도를 프놈펜으로 옮겼으나 서서히 멸망하고 말았다.

캄보디아의 근대사는 19세기 프랑스의 식민지 지배로 시작된다. 프랑스는 불교의 전교(傳敎)를 억압했으나, 앙코르의 유적군(遺跡群)은 그들에 의해 발굴되고 보호됐다.

오늘날 세계에 자랑하는 앙코르의 유적은 1898년 월남의 하노이에 세워졌던 ‘프랑스 극동학원’의 조직적 연구에 의한 것이 많다. 외국의 지배 아래 있으면서도 캄보디아 국민의 불교에 대한 신앙은 열렬했다. 황의를 입은 승려들은 승복을 입었다는 사실 하나만으로도 존경을 받았으며, 외국인들은 캄보디아를 ‘승려의 나라’라고 부를 정도였다.

불기 2494년(1950)에는 인도에서 사리불(舍利弗)과 목건련(目犍連)의 유골을 봉안해 와 대대적인 법회를 가졌으며, 불멸 2500년 기념행사도 성대하게 치렀다.

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Buddhism in Cambodian Life

Buddhist monks traditionally were called upon to perform a number of functions in Cambodian life. They participated in all formal village festivals, ceremonies, marriages, and funerals. They also might have participated in ceremonies to name infants and in other minor ceremonies or rites of passage. Monks did not lead the ceremonies, however, because that role was given to the achar, or master of ceremonies; the monk's major function was to say prayers of blessing. They were often healers and, in traditional Khmer culture, they were the practitioners whose role was closest to that of modern psychiatrists

They might also have been skilled in astrology. The monk traditionally occupied a unique position in the transmission of Khmer culture and values. By his way of life, he provided a living model of the most meritorious behavior! a Buddhist could follow. He also provided the laity with many opportunities for gaining merit. For centuries monks were the only literate people residing in rural communities; they acted as teachers to temple servants, to novices, and to newly ordained monks. Until the 1970s, most literate Cambodian males gained literacy solely through the instruction of the sangha

After independence from France, young Cambodian intellectuals changed their attitude toward the clergy. In describing a general shift away from Buddhism in the late 1950s and the early 1960s, Vickery cites the early work of anthropologist May Mayko Ebihara and his own observations. He suggests that the Khmer Rouge was able to instill antireligious feelings in younger males because the latter were losing interest in becoming monks even during their teenage years, the traditional temporary period of service. The monks themselves had abandoned some of their traditional restrictions and had become involved in politics. At intervals during the colonial period, some monks had demonstrated or had rebelled against French rule, and in the 1970s monks joined pro- government demonstrations against the communists

Anticlerical feelings reached their highest point among the Khmer Rouge, who at first attempted to indoctrinate monks and to force them to pass anticlerical ideas on to the laity. Under the Khmer Rouge regime, monks were expelled forcibly from the wats and were compelled to do manual labor. Article 20 of the 1976 Constitution of Democratic Kampuchea permitted freedom of religion but banned all reactionary religions, that were "detrimental to the country." The minister of culture stated that Buddhism was incompatible with the revolution and was an instrument of exploitation. Under this regime, to quote the Finnish Inquiry Commission, "The practice of religion was forbidden and the pagodas were systematically destroyed." Observers estimated that 50,000 monks died during the Khmer Rouge regime. The status of Buddhism and of religion in general after the Vietnamese invasion was at least partially similar to its status in pre-Khmer Rouge times

According to Michael Vickery, who has written positively about the PRK, public observance of Buddhism and of Islam has been reestablished, and government policies allow Cambodians freedom to believe or not to believe in Buddhism. Vickery cites some differences in this reestablished Buddhism. Religious affairs are overseen by the PRK's Kampuchean (or Khmer) United Front for National Construction and Defense (KUFNCD), the mass organization that supports the state by organizing women, youths, workers, and religious groups. In 1987 there was only a single Buddhist order because the Thommayut order had not been revived. The organization of the clergy also had been simplified. The sangharaja (primate of the Buddhist clergy) had been replaced by a prathean (chairman)

Communities that wanted a wats had to apply to a local front committee for permission. The wat were administered by a committee of the local laity. Private funds paid for the restoration of the wats damaged during the war and the Khmer Rouge era, and they supported the restored wats. Monks were ordained by a hierarchy that has been reconstituted since an initial ordination in September 1979 by a delegation from the Buddhist community in Vietnam. The validity of this ordination continues to be questioned. In general, there are only two to four monks per wat, which is fewer than before 1975. In 1981 about 4,930 monks served in 740 wats in Cambodia. The Buddhist General Assembly reported 7,000 monks in 1,821 active wats a year later. In 1969 by contrast, observers estimated that 53,400 monks and 40,000 novice monks served in more than 3,000 wats. Vickery sums up his observations on the subject by noting that, "The government has kept its promise to allow freedom for traditional Buddhism, but does not actively encourage it."

Martin offers another, more pessimistic, view of the religious situation in the late 1980s. In a 1986 study, she asserts that the PRK showed outsiders only certain aspects of religious freedom; she also states that the few wats that were restored had only two or three old monks in residence and that public attendance was low. The monks were allowed to leave the wats only for an hour in the mornings, to collect their food, or during holy days. Lay people who practiced their faith were about the same ages as the monks, and they were allowed to visit the wats only in the evenings. A government circular had also instructed civil servants to stop celebrating the traditional New Year Festival. Some traditional Buddhist festivals still were tolerated, but the state collected a 50 percent tithe on donations

Martin believes that Buddhism was threatened externally by state repression and by nonsupport and internally by invalid clergy. She noted that the two Buddhist superiors, Venerable Long Chhim and Venerable Tep Vong, were both believed to be from Vietnam. Venerable Tep Vong was concurrently the superior of the Buddhist clergy, vice president of the PRK's Khmer National Assembly, and vice president of the KUFNCD National Council. She quoted a refugee from Batdambang as having said, "During the meetings, the Khmer administrative authorities, accompanied by the Vietnamese experts, tell you, `Religion is like poison, it's like opium; it's better to give the money to the military, so they can fight'."

Buddhism is still strong among the various Cambodian refugee groups throughout the world, although some younger monks, faced with the distractions of a foreign culture, have chosen to leave the clergy and have become laicized. In the United States in 1984, there were twelve Cambodian wats with about twenty-one monks. In the 1980s, a Cambodian Buddhist wat was constructed near Washington, D.C., financed by a massive outpouring of donations from Cambodian Buddhists throughout North America. This wat is one of the few outside Southeast Asia that has the consecrated boundary within which ordinations may be performed

Most of the major Cambodian annual festivals are connected with Buddhist observances. The chol chnam (New Year Festival) takes place in mid-April; it was one of the few festivals allowed under the Khmer Rouge regime. The phchun ben, celebrated in September or in October, is a memorial day for deceased ancestors and for close friends. Meak bochea, in January or February, commemorates the last sermon of the Buddha. Vissakh bochea, in April or in May, is the triple anniversary of the birth, death, and enlightenment of the Buddha

The chol vossa takes place in June or in July; it marks the beginning of a penitential season during which the monks must remain within the temple compounds. The kathen marks the end of this season; celebrated in September, it features offerings, especially of robes, to the monks. The kathen was still celebrated in the PRK in the late 1980s

Cambodian Buddhism exists side-by-side with, and to some extent intermingles with, pre-Buddhist animism and Brahman practices. Most Cambodians, whether or not they profess to be Buddhists (or Muslims), believe in a rich supernatural world. When ill, or at other times of crisis, or to seek supernatural help, Cambodians may enlist the aid of a practitioner who is believed to be able to propitiate or obtain help from various spirits. Local spirits are believed to inhabit a variety of objects, and shrines to them may be found in houses, in Buddhist temples, along roads, and in forests

Several types of supernatural entities are believed to exist; they make themselves known by means of inexplicable sounds or happenings. Among these phenomena are khmoc (ghosts), pret and besach (particularly nasty demons, the spirits of people who have died violent, untimely, or unnatural deaths), arak (evil spirits, usually female), neak ta (tutelary spirits residing in inanimate objects), mneang phteah (guardians of the house), meba (ancestral spirits), and mrenh kongveal (elf-like guardians of animals). All spirits must be shown proper respect, and, with the exception of the mneang phteah and mrenh kongveal, they can cause trouble ranging from mischief to serious life-threatening illnesses. An import!ant way for living people to show respect for the spirits of the dead is to provide food for the spirits. If this food is not provided, the spirit can cause trouble for the offending person. For example, if a child does not provide food for the spirit of its dead mother, that spirit can cause misfortunes to happen to the child

Aid in dealing with the spirit world may be obtained from a kru (shaman or spirit practitioner), an achar (ritualist), thmup (witch, sorcerer or sorceress), or a rup arak (medium, usually male). The kru is a kind of sorcerer who prepares charms and amulets to protect the wearer from harm. He can cure illnesses, find lost objects, and prepare magic potions. Traditionally, Cambodians have held strong beliefs about protective charms. Amulets are worn routinely by soldiers to ward off bullets, for example. The kru are believed to have the power to prepare an amulet and to establish a supernatural link between it and the owner. A kru may acquire considerable local prestige and power. Many kru are former Buddhist monks

Another kind of magical practitioner is the achar, a specialist in ritual. He may function as a kind of master of ceremonies at a wat and as a specialist in conducting spirit worship rituals connected with life-cycle ceremonies. Rup arak are mediums who can be possessed by supernatural beings and communicate with the spirit world. The thmup are sorcerers who cause illnesses

Fortunetellers and astrologers--haor teay--are import!ant in Cambodian life. They are consulted about import!ant decisions such as marriages, building a new house, or going on a long journey. They are believed to be able to foretell future events and to determine lucky or unlucky days for various activities

Villagers are sensitive to the power and to the needs of the spirit world. According to observations by an American missionary in the early 1970s, villagers consulted the local guardian spirit to find out what the coming year would bring, a new province chief held a ceremony to ask the protection of the spirits over the province, and soldiers obtained magic cloths and amulets from mediums and shamans to protect them from the bullets of the enemy. Before embarking on a mission against enemy forces, a province chief might burn incense and call on a spirit for aid in defeating the enemy. Examples of Brahman influences were various rituals concerned with the well-being of the nation carried out by the ruler and the baku (a Brahman priestly group attached to the royal court). These rituals were reportedly stopped after Sihanouk's ouster in 1970

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Cambodian Buddhism has no formal administrative ties with other Buddhist bodies, although Theravada monks from other countries, especially Thailand, Laos, Burma, and Sri Lanka, may participate in religious ceremonies in order to make up the requisite number of clergy. Cambodian Buddhism is organized nationally in accordance with regulations formulated in 1943 and modified in 1948. During the monarchical period, the king led the Buddhist clergy. Prince Sihanouk continued in this role even after he had abdicated and was governing as head of state. He appointed both the heads of the monastic orders and other high-ranking clergy. After the overthrow of Sihanouk in 1970, the new head of state, Lon Nol, appointed these leaders

Two monastic orders constituted the clergy in Cambodia. The larger group, to which more than 90 percent of the clergy belonged, was the Mohanikay. The Thommayut order was far smaller. The Thommayut was introduced into the ruling circles of Cambodia from Thailand in 1864; it gained prestige because of its adoption by royalty and by the aristocracy, but its adherents were confined geographically to the Phnom Penh area. Among the few differences between the two orders is stricter observance by the Thommayut bonzes (monks) of the rules governing the clergy. In 1961 the Mohanikay had more than 52,000 ordained monks in some 2,700 wats, whereas the Thommayut order had 1,460 monks in just over 100 wats

In 1967 more than 2,800 Mohanikay wats and 320 Thommayut wats were in existence in Cambodia. After Phnom Penh, the largest number of Thommayut wats were found in Batdambang, Stoeng Treng, Prey Veng, Kampot, and Kampong Thum provinces

Each order has its own superior and is organized into a hierarchy of eleven levels. The seven lower levels are known collectively as the thananukram; the four higher levels together are called the rajagana. The Mohanikay order has thirty-five monks in the rajagana; the Thommayut has twentyone. Each monk must serve for at least twenty years to be named to these highest levels

The cornerstones of Cambodian Buddhism are the Buddhist bonze and the wat. Traditionally, each village has a spiritual center - a wat - where from five to more than seventy bonzes reside. A typical wat in rural Cambodia consists of a walled enclosure containing a sanctuary, several residences for bonzes, a hall, a kitchen, quarters for nuns, and a pond. The number of monks varies according to the size of the local population

The sanctuary, which contains an altar with statues of the Buddha and, in rare cases, a religious relic, is reserved for major ceremonies and usually only for the use of bonzes. Other ceremonies, classes for monks and for laity, and meals take place in the hall. Stupas containing the ashes of extended family members are constructed near the sanctuary. Fruit trees and vegetable gardens tended by local children are also part of the local wat. The main entrance, usually only for ceremonial use, faces east; other entrances are located at other points around the wall. There are no gates

Steinberg notes the striking ratio of bonzes to the total population of Cambodia. In the late 1950s, an estimated 100,000 bonzes (including about 40,000 novices) served a population of about 5 million. This high proportion undoubtedly was caused in large part by the ease with which one could enter and leave the sangha. Becoming a bonze and leaving the sangha are matters of individual choice although, in theory, nearly all Cambodian males over sixteen serve terms as bonzes. Most young men do not intend to become fully ordained bonzes (bhikkhu), and they remain as monks for less than a year. Even a son's temporary ordination as a bonze brings great merit to his parents, however, and is considered so import!ant that arrangements are made at a parent's funeral if the son has not undergone the process while the parent was living. There are two classes of bonzes at a wat - the novices (samani or nen) and the bhikkhu. Ordination is held from mid-April to mid-July, during the rainy season

Buddhist monks do not take perpetual vows to remain monks, although, in fact, some become monks permanently. Traditionally, they became monks early in life. It is possible to become a novice at as young an age as seven, but in practice thirteen is the earliest age for novices. A bhikkhu must be at least twenty. The monk's life is regulated by Buddhist law, and life in the wat adheres to a rigid routine. A bhikkhu follows 227 rules of monastic discipline as well as the 10 basic precepts. These include the five precepts that all Buddhists should follow. The five precepts for monastic asceticism prohibit eating after noon, participating in any entertainment (singing, dancing, and watching movies or television), using any personal adornments, sleeping on a luxurious bed, and handling money

In addition, a monk also is expected to be celibate. Furthermore, monks supposedly avoid all involvement in political affairs. They are not eligible to vote or to hold any political office, and they may not witness a legal document or give testimony in court. Since the person of a monk is considered sacred, he is considered to be outside the normal civil laws and public duties that affect lay people. Some of these practices have changed in the modern period, however, and in the 1980s Buddhist monks have been active even in the PRK government

Women are not ordained, but older women, especially widows, can become nuns. They live in wat and play an import!ant role in the everyday life of the temple. Nuns shave their heads and eyebrows and generally follow the same precepts as monks. They may prepare the altars and do some of the housekeeping chores